they be entered into by one of the contracting parties with a third State "__
shall we say Russia or some other State ?—
ff would of necessity be so framed that their execution should at no time
prejudice either the sovereignty or territorial inviolability of the other
Mr. Eden : . . . My hon. Friend did not tell me he was going to read
out from a secret document but^ naturally, as he did so, I have looked it
up, and I have seen exactly what the position is. I can assure my hon.
Friend . . . that the answer I have just given was precisely intended to
cover that secret Protocol. I can assure him there is no catch about the
matter at all, and that what that Clause refers to., if he will look back, is to
Article 3 of the agreement which refers to certain undertakings that might
in the future be made------
Mr. Petherick : I am extremely sorry, but Clause 3 says cc undertakings
mentioned in Article 6." Nothing could be more specific.
Mr. Eden : I beg the hon. Gentleman's pardon^ but I have taken the
trouble to look this matter up since he raised it. I was not even a member
of the Government then, but I consulted those who were. I have con-
sulted my legal advisers^ and in their judgment, and in the judgment of
those concerned at the time., the effect of this secret Protocol was to limit
—precisely to limit—the obligations put before the House, not to increase
Mr. Me Govern (Independent) : . . . There is, further, the question of
Poland. . . . We are told we must not, on any occasion, doubt the word
of Marshal Stalin, or the word of the Prime Minister, or the word of the
President of the United States. This is not, however, a mutual admiration
society; we are not collected here to pass compliments to one another.
Members of the House can talk as glibly as they like on the Floor or in the
Press, but the great bulk of opinion in this country does not believe that
the Polish plan will be carried out in a decent and democratic manner.
I would be enthusiastic if there were a coming-together of Russia, Poland,
Germany and France, and if they were prepared to work with one another
in a decent atmosphere^, but, with the deportation of millions of Poles, and
the putting to death of a large number of Polish politicians and trade union
leaders, and of every individual who does not subscribe to the totalitarian
ideas of Marshal Stalin^ I have grave doubts about the carrying out of this
democratic plebiscite. I have seen these democratic plebiscites carried
out before. I have also seen attempts made from time to time to involve
people in a decision which is made to appear as if unity prevails. A plan
is decided upon before you get to the meeting, and everybody has to be
black-balled into submission or dubbed as traitors or dishonest.
... At one time the right hon. Gentleman the Deputy Prime Minister
and the Leaders of the Labour Party were on the show-grounds of Moscow
and other Russian cities, and the people threw balls at them as the social
Fascists of Great Britain.
The Deputy Prime Minister (Mr. Attlee) : Does the hon. Member
suggest that I was there ?
Mr. McGovern t Not in person. The right hon. Gentleman was there,
but he did not know it. He was an effigy. That was at the time when the
Communist Party wandered into the Labour Party and tried to catch them.
At £hat time they had these figures in the show-grounds in Moscow, and
the children were taught to make dollies of the British Labour and trade
union leaders, who were regarded as the social Fascists of Great Britain
and Hitler's pals. I see these changes taking place. Now they want to
woo you. It is a change of tactics, just as Stalin's approach to the Polish